Thank you!

Dear Readers,

Thank you, indeed. The number of page views crossed 15K on Nov. 1, 2016.

A compilation of the blog posts up to first quarter of 2016 has been published and is available on Smashwords, Amazon (Kindle store), and Google Books.

Thursday, October 9, 2025

The Threat From Within

Hinduism, Internal Reform, and the Challenge of Social Stratification

Recent discussions about the evolution of Hinduism in modern India often center on the relationship between its philosophical heritage and its social structures. A conversation with a relative—himself deeply engaged with Sanatan Dharma and the author of a related work—highlighted key aspects of this debate. My position was that contemporary Hinduism has distanced itself from its philosophical foundations in Vedanta, Sankhya, and Upanishadic inquiry, and become increasingly identified with hierarchical social structures (varna vyavastha), ritual formalism (karmkand), and devotional practices (murtipuja). By contrast, Hinduism’s historical offshoots—Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism—sought to refine or transcend these elements while preserving core ethical and metaphysical concepts.

Historical Interactions and Internal Dynamics

My interlocutor attributed Hinduism’s present challenges to external forces, particularly to the medieval Islamic invasions. However, historical and sociological evidence indicates that many of the divisions visible in pre-modern Hindu society predate that period (Thapar, 2002; Sharma, 1958). Indeed, the rigidity of caste-based stratification appears to have been a principal factor that facilitated the appeal and spread of Buddhism and, later, of Islam in the subcontinent (Ambedkar, 1936; Ghurye, 1961). This interpretation reverses the presumed causal link: rather than foreign incursions producing social decline, internal weaknesses rendered society more susceptible to external influences.

Buddhism emerged in the 6th–5th century BCE as a reformist movement within the broader Indic spiritual milieu. It drew on existing metaphysical ideas while explicitly rejecting the authority of the Vedas and the hereditary privilege of the Brahmin class (Bronkhorst, 2007). Its success stemmed in part from ethical universalism and the rejection of birth-based hierarchy, which resonated with marginalized groups seeking spiritual and social space outside ritual orthodoxy. Hinduism’s later attempts to reassert itself—often described as the Brahminical counterreformation—entailed reaffirming ritual authority and caste boundaries (Olivelle, 1997). Over centuries, this process entrenched distinctions that favored savarna groups and contributed to enduring ideological divergences between Brahminism and Buddhism.

Caste and Equality: Persistent Contradictions

While both Hinduism and Buddhism share conceptual frameworks such as karma, dharma, and samsara, they differ significantly in their treatment of equality. Traditional Hindu social organization codified hierarchy through varna and jati, fixing individual status at birth (Bayly, 1999). In contrast, Buddhism and other heterodox schools emphasized moral conduct over lineage. The persistence of caste-based discrimination in post-independence India—manifested in atrocities against Dalits and restrictions in social mobility—illustrates the endurance of this inherited framework (Deshpande, 2010).

Contemporary examples further illuminate these tensions. Publicized incidents involving the mistreatment of individuals from marginalized communities, including senior officials and judges, reveal the latent social bias that persists despite constitutional guarantees. Sociological studies show that even in urban environments, forms of occupational segregation and social avoidance remain prevalent (Gupta, 2000).  Suicides by dalit scholars like Vemula, on account of harassment, underscore this.

A related dimension concerns the occupational legacy of caste. Certain upper-caste organizations express unease over perceived downward mobility, especially in professional domains historically held by lower castes. Yet the long-term neglect of workers in sanitation and similar sectors underscores a persistent inequity in working conditions and social esteem (Venkatesan et al., 2021). Even where policy frameworks mandate mechanization and safety protocols, incomplete implementation perpetuates risk and degradation in these professions.

Internal Versus External Threats

Given these structural patterns, it is reasonable to suggest that Hinduism’s most significant challenges originate internally rather than externally. The demographic reality—where upper-caste populations constitute a minority relative to the combined Dalit, Adivasi, and OBC groups—creates an inherent tension between historical dominance and contemporary egalitarian ideals (Jaffrelot, 2003). Legislative attempts to restrict religious conversion can be interpreted not only as efforts to curb missionary activity but also as mechanisms to preserve caste-based cohesion within Hindu society (Nussbaum, 2007).

This internal contradiction extends to the relationship between religion and the Indian Constitution. The constitutional framework emphasizes equality, liberty, and fraternity as guiding values (Ambedkar, 1948), while traditionalist interpretations of Hinduism continue to endorse a hierarchical division of social function. Consequently, the ideological foundations of Hindutva—which present unity through cultural homogeneity—can come into conflict with the plural and egalitarian ethos enshrined in Indian law (Andersen & Damle, 2019).

Prospects for Reform and Reconciliation

Some political actors have recognized the limits of competing within the terrain of religious identity. The Indian National Congress, for instance, has in recent years reoriented its discourse toward social equity and welfare rather than engaging in overt symbolic religiosity. This shift signals a broader realization across the political spectrum that enduring development requires addressing structural inequalities rather than emphasizing civilizational identity alone.

A sustainable reform within Hinduism would likely involve renewed engagement with its rational and ethical dimensions rather than adherence to social hierarchy. One potential framework for such reform lies in drawing from the egalitarian and humanistic philosophies of Buddhism. Given their shared Indic origin, the adoption of Buddhist principles need not constitute religious conversion but can instead represent an internal reformative synthesis, aligning ethical conduct with constitutional ideals. Such a transformation could help mitigate sectarian divisions and enable greater social cohesion and developmental focus.

References

Ambedkar, B. R. (1936). Annihilation of Caste.

Ambedkar, B. R. (1948). Constituent Assembly Debates, Vols. VII–IX.

Andersen, W., & Damle, S. (2019). Messengers of Hindu Nationalism. Princeton University Press.

Bayly, S. (1999). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press.

Bronkhorst, J. (2007). Greater Magadha: Studies in the Culture of Early India. Brill.

Deshpande, S. (2010). Contemporary India: A Sociological View. Penguin.

Ghurye, G. S. (1961). Caste, Class and Occupation. Popular Prakashan.

Gupta, D. (2000). Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society. Penguin.

Jaffrelot, C. (2003). India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India. Hurst & Co.

Nussbaum, M. (2007). The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India’s Future. Harvard University Press.

Olivelle, P. (1997). The Dharmasutras: The Law Codes of Ancient India. Oxford University Press.

Sharma, R. S. (1958). Sudras in Ancient India: A Social History of the Lower Order Down to Circa A.D. 600. Motilal Banarsidass.

Thapar, R. (2002). Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300. University of California Press.

Venkatesan, S., Anand, G., & Chandra, S. (2021). “Manual Scavenging and Caste: Structural Violence in Contemporary India.” Economic and Political Weekly, 56(35).

Wednesday, October 1, 2025

Need To Rethink Our Administrative Services

For a nation that emerges from the trauma of colonisation, cultivating a sense of self-respect in the oppressed citizens becomes a prerequisite for overcoming the trauma that the citizens have sufffered, and moving forward on a path of rapid growth.  It is so because colonial powers trample upon the sense of self-worth and self-respect of the local population with a view to subjugate them, and these must be revived for people to emerge from that oppression.

In our case, the British did this by creating civil and police services that looked upon the general population as subjects and not brethren to be served.  They did it partly by employing people from upper castes, who already had a sense of entitlement, as officers, and perhaps, also through training.  These 'public servants' then ill treated their compatriots and kept their morale down to make things easy for the rulers.  Unfortunately this attitude continues unabated and the public has gotten so used to it that any ill and insulting treatment at the hands of public servants and police has become the subject of jokes rather than indignation.  Recall the joke about "suji" and "suji" during the COVID era.

The logical thing would have been to dismantle these services, gradually if so required, soon after independence and create new cadres without a sense of entitlement and with a sense of purpose and service.  This was never done and the maai-baap mentality amongst government employees continues unabated till date.  This is also the root cause of deep seated corruption in our society because public, as subjects to these rulers, must be subservient and must appease them with gifts and presents.  The fact that wherever we have been able to bring down corruption, it has been possible only by reducing or eliminating human interfaces with the the help of technology and not because of any change in the mai-baap attitude, bears it out.

The concept of swaraj, where more and more power is brought closer to people and then people given a chance to audit and provide actionable feed back on the outcomes achieved by the exercise of that power is one way to achieve the said goal.  This is opposed to a highly centralized model where the power holders get insulated by intervening tiers.

Please leave your thoughts on the topic in comments below.  Thanks for reading this.